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AN 



A_ D D R E S S 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



SENATE OF ONION COLLEGE, 

SCHENECTADY, JULY 20, 1863, 



AND BEKOUE THE 



iCitcnuir S^otictifs of ifnntlilhi m\^ lilarsljatl (Collrqe. 



CM 
liANCASTER, PA,, JULY 29, 1863. 



BY 










DANIEL DOUGHERTY, Esq., 

M 
OP PHILADELPHIA^ 



PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 

Nos. 715 AND 717 Markkt St. 

'""^ 1863. 



t^ 



VA 



.QT 



ADDRESS. 



In years gone by, when peace serenely smiled over a land 
glorious and blest, and every face was radiant with joy, it 
was fitting that your Orator should select a theme suggested 
by your collegiate career, enforce it with the logic of the 
schools, and grace it with gems culled from the classic and 
historic page. 

But, alas! these are days gloomy and joyless! America 
trembles in her altitude of splendor. Struck by myriads of 
blows from ambitious and successful treason, her life seems 
ebbinof fast. The nations look with cold indifference or 
secret satisfaction as perish the liberties which an heroic race 
bequeathed an endless posterity. 

Dark and despairing as are these times, all may yet be 
well if we regain the virtues of our fathers. 

You, gentlemen of the Senate, are to act your part in 
times without a parallel. You are either to link your 
names with the renown of a mighty people, or sink %vith 
your country into bloody and dishonored graves. 

At such a time I cannot choose a subject apart from the 
grand struggle on which is staked the world's last chance 
for freedom. Therefore, to-day I ask you to bring your 
minds from amid the memories of the buried past, and fix 
them on the living present, big with the fate of coming cen- 
turies. It is time for the patriot to speak and act, heed- 
less of all risks — scorning alike the smiles of power and the 
scoffs of the rabble — though the partisan point at him as a 
victim for popular fury, looking alone to his country's weal, 



dare all for duty, and speak the truth though ten thousand 
voices strive to drown his warnings with denials. 

Here, then, in the cloister-like quietude of the college — 
far from the reach of prejudice — here, where the passions 
that tear the hearts of men in yonder outer world dare not 
enter, let us own the sin which caused our nation's fall, 
and seek to know how to regain the paradise she lost. 

Through the wide stretch of history the People have ever 
been oppressed. With the might of numbers on their side 
— with the intellect, valor, and energy to create a nation and 
make it prosperous and gi^eat; with the gentler virtues to 
beautify the whole, yet, unjust to themselves — by their sense- 
less prejudices, differences, and hates, engendered and directed 
by designing dastards; their willing ear to the transparent 
flattery of the demagogue; their reluctance to listen to citi- 
zens too honorable to fawn ; their love of gold and its train 
of enervating evils; their faithlessness to principle; their 
contempt for public virtue, and want of true patriotism — 
they have for thousands of years groaned in bondage and 
bled in battle that the few might triumph who resolved to 
rule, and had the energy and courage to succeed. JSTow and 
then, along the track of time, the masses have risen with 
heroic grandeur, smitten their oppressors, and illumed the 
world with resplendent Republics ; but at the very zenith of 
renown have yielded to their failings and sunk again to ser- 
vility and chains. 

The American student sighs when he reads of the wrecked 
glories of the people, and, with an aching heart, fears that 
institutions founded on justice, liberty, and love, aiming to 
lift mankind, are beyond the scope of mortals, and the earth 
must continue to be cursed with tyrants. 

We must cease to be charmed by the syi'ens that have 
sung us to our woe. Let us bravely face our dangers. 

If the American Republic survive this storm, and rise re- 
freshed and purified, no tongue can tell the glories of her 
future. If she be destroyed, let us own the Government we 
love is a failure, and beg posterity to spare their blood and 
hug their chains, for the people are not fitted to be free. I 
know how startling these words may be, even amid the 



perils about us ; but better heed tbe prophecy than bear the 
pangs of its fulfiUment. 

It were impossible that our form of government could 
have had a peaceful birth amid the petrified prejudices of 
the monarchies and despotisms of Europe. A w^orld was 
discovered that free institutions might have fair play. Not 
alone a discovered world, but a new people born to dwell 
in it. 

The streams of immigration poured on these shores the 
blood of every nation, each commingling with the other, 
enriching all, and creating a race which, for intellectual 
vigor, courage, and love of liberty, is the noblest that ever 
lived. 

In a country from its structure fitted for the grandest of 
empires, with a magnificent sweep of territory that knew no 
boundaries but the great oceans — with the Atlantic to the 
east, rolling an eternal flood afar — the American Republic 
arose and dazzled the world with its swift and marvelous 
prosperity. Mind unfettered and free sprang into every way 
of life, and proved the might of the masses. The glories of 
old Greece rekindled their long-expired fires in the land of 
Young America. Yet, when her splendors were but dawn- 
ing — while yet the statesmen of kings stood aghast at her 
greatness, and dreaded her future, while her millions were 
thriving as never mortals throve before — exulting in her 
prowess, and sure of her stability — lo! as if struck by the 
lightning of God's wrath, she is rent in twain, deluged with 
fraternal blood, and is the Niobe of nations ! 

Whence the causes of this awful fate — this sudden death 
to all our hopes? From a hundred streams they come; yet, 
trace them, and find the source of all to be the People. 

Ay, every drop of blood poured out in this terrific war — 
every one of the hundreds of thousands of new-made graves 
that rise all over this once happy land — the desolated homes — 
the wrecked hopes — the squandered treasures — the untold 
misery — the imperiled nation — the menaced liberties of 
America — all, all rest on the guilty heads of the People. 

Before high heaven I arraign the American People as 
recreants, ingrates, and parricides. 



8 

Apostate to the RepuTjlic — faithless to their vows — scoffers 
at piihlic virtue — reckless of principle — eager for gold and 
greedy for place — they banished integrity, intellect, and pa- 
triotism from the high stations of the State and I^ation, and 
lilled them with tricksters, trimmers, partisans, plunderers, 
drunkards, duelists, imbeciles, and traitors. 

The men who, after a seven years' war, won our independ- 
ence, and the generation that followed, knew the priceless 
value of the Rei>ublic; they faithfully discharged the high 
trusts of American citizenship. Then virtue and worth Avere 
placed at eveiy post to guard the public weal. Then intellect 
cultivated a pure ambition to serve the State. From the 
l)y-ways of humble life came forth statesmen, sages, and 
orators, who flung the mantle of genius around their coun- 
tiy, and made her fame immortal. 

But the children born when the last of the Revolutionists 
were passing to their graves, and groAA'ing to manhood amid all 
the evidences of boundless prosperity, fancied the Republic 
was their own, without effort or responsibility, and that no 
power could widest it from them. Educated beyond all other 
peoples, the fruits of literature spread far and wide; lovers 
of liberty and ready to die for it, they yet forgot to live for 
it. Jealous and watchful of their private interests, they over- 
looked the general good. Enjoying the rich gains of industry 
and enterprise, they utterly ignored the vital truth that a 
Republic dies when the people cease their vigilance or leave 
to faction or party the sacred duty enjoined on every citizen. 

Blessed with peace while Europe was convulsed with wars, 
our patriotism exhausted itself in shouting at the name of 
Washington, chorusing the national songs, blindly voting for 
party hacks, and in public meetings being moved to pity or 
passion, like the citizens in the play of Csesar. 

This forgetfulness of dut;\", this sin against ourselves, this 
crime against our country, was taken advantage of by opposite 
classes in the two sections of the countiy. 

In the South, the planters — a small minority, comprising 
its wealth and culture, living in elegant ease on the labor of 
an inferior race, ambitious of rule, anxious to guard, and, if 
possible, spread their peculiar and precarious institution — 
assumed entire control. 



9 

"While Southern cities and States did not and conld not 
grow in population and thrive as did the l!s^orth, yet they 
were always better governed; more free from corruption, 
riots, and crime, because offices were created and filled for 
the good of the community, and not for the gain of the in- 
cumbents. Officials were retained as long as they faithfully 
discharged their duties.* Representatives and Senators had 
previously sei-ved in the State legislatures, and entered Con- 
gress a phalanx, diffi?ring, perhaps, on indiffiirent subjects, 
but united in everything that tended to the interest of their 
section and to strengthen and spread the institution of slav- 
ery. Re-elected without opposition term after term, they 
became educated in the profound science of government, 
were the master-spirits of the nation, shaped its legislation, 
moculated the country with some revolting theories, by the 
adroit management of party selected for themselves the 
highest honors of the Union, and when, with a show of 
fairness, they yielded to the ^orth, chose only those who 
were pledged to their opinions, and would be controlled by 
their counsels. 

In the !N"orth, the lowest grade of society — the scum of the 
cities, village loafers, hucksterers of legislation, aided by 
contractors without capital, lawyers mthout practice, doctors 
without patients, and journalists without principle, all bound 
together by the cohesive power of public plunder — boldly 
grasped the reins and willingly gave the honors and control 
of the Republic, in consideration that they might clutch 
each year a hundred millions of patronage, besides the rich 
booty that every office, high and low, in all the jS'orth, 
became. Offices were created and managed without refer- 
ence to the general good, and exclusively for the emoluments 
of the knaves who filled them. Honest and able judges 
received salaries less than the income of an ordinary attorney ; 
while the clerks of the courts, whose functions were mostly 
discharged by deputies, made fortunes in three years. Seats 
in the Legislature and in Congress were too often scrambled 



* There were but three persons who held the office of Postmaster in Charles- 
ton from the formation of the Government to the outbreak of the Rebellion. 



10 

for by filtliy fellows, who unblushingly sold tlieir votes to the 
highest bidder, and were thrust aside at the end of the second 
term to make way for successful competitors. 

If it so chanced that a great Intellect appeared from the 
Il^orth in the Senate, as long as his views chimed with party 
his pathway was strewn with flowers; but if his sense of 
right and proud heart rose indignant at an attempted wrong, 
his followers deserted him; his own fellow-citizens, whose 
honor and opinions he had maintained, turned for a moment 
from their avocations to sigh that he had left the service 
of the State, and then threw up their caps as some low 
trickster started to fill a chair from which a statesman had 
been expelled. 

The rival organizations, by corrupt caucuses and conven- 
tions, named the candidates for every office, from the Execu- 
tive of a Commonwealth to the constable of a township, and 
to advance their respective designs and make permanent 
their success, sought by every artifice to inflame the spirit of 
party, which the first President in his farewell appeal warned 
the people was "truly their worst enemy, and which, instead 
of warming, would consume the nation." 

Alas ! the people would not see the snare ! The angel of 
country, all beautiful and good, who had enriched them 
with priceless gifts and would have shielded them forever, 
was turned from with cold neglect, her caresses scorned; 
while the demon of party was worshiped with idolatrous 
devotion. 

Year after year, party spirit grew in bitterness and rancor, 
poisoning the whole nation and dragging it toward the awful 
gulf of civil war. 

No villain too depraved to aspire to office ; and once nomi- 
nated, every voice shouted for his success. ISTo outrage could 
a partisan commit that would not find defenders. Infamous 
legislation would be applauded by the party in power; the 
noblest and most necessary measures denounced by the one 
seeking authority. The basest passions of the mob courted. 
Justice was sacrificed to expediency, honor to availability. 
The laborer who paved the streets or swept a room, and by 
the secret ballot voted for the worthiest man, would be 



11 

dismissed from employment, and witli his family left to 
starve, while the audaeions knave who had, by bribery, pur- 
chased distinction, would be dined and honored by the 
President ! 

The rapid increase of population in the !N'orth, caused by 
European emigration, equal laws, high price of labor, and 
low price of lands, which led to the formation of new States, 
taught Southern politicians that they could not expect always 
to rule. 

Foreseeing the advantages of their geographical position, 
prompted by the maddest ambition, and aided hy confederates 
in the North — the future loill disclose this fact — they slowly 
yet surely arranged their plans for the dissolution of the 
Union. 

Southern in all their sentiments and legislation, they inten- 
tionally provoked a ISTorthern party. With artful facility 
they shaped partisan animosities into sectional hate, to make 
successful their accursed scheme. On December 5th, 1860, 
a Southern Senator, addressing himself to Northern Senators, 
said: "Here are two hostile bodies on this floor, and it is but 
a t}^e of the feeling that exists between the two sections. 
We are enemies as much as if we were hostile States. Dis- 
guise the fact as you will, there is an enmity between the 
N^orthern and Southern people that is deep and enduring, 
and you can never eradicate it — never."* 

Declarations of war against the nation were uttered in Con- 
gress amid approving shouts from crowded galleries, echoed 
far and wide, and sustained in public assemblies all over the 
land. Treason for once boldly faced the sunlight, and in the 
very council "without check arranged the destruction of the 
Government. Senators proclaimed treason in the Capitol, 
retired from its walls with the air of conquerors, tarried in 
the city for days to receive their fay and the parting calls of 
their parasites, and yet not in all the Congress was there one 
bold enough to denounce the awful crime, and make oath 
and arrest the traitors for high treason. 

Nay, when the overt act had been committed, rebellion 

* See Congressional Globe for 1860-61, Part 1st, p. 12. 



12 

sent in state its emissaries to dictate terms to an insulted 
nation, and left tlie capital indignant tliat tliej were not 
accepted. 

Yet party spirit blindly followed to tlie brink and took tbe 
fearful plunge. 

To elect a ]!^ortbern President was sufficient cause for tbe 
dissolution of tbe Union! to enforce tbe autbority of tbe 
Government was tbe coercion of a free people ! to imprison 
public enemies a violation of tbe liberty of tbe citizen ! to 
assert tbe dignity of tbe nation an infringement of tbe Con- 
stitution ! to war on armed traitors in bloody rebellion was 
to destroy tbe integrity of tbe Republic ! 

A nation tbus deserted and forgotten by its protectors, tbe 
people, and left tbe sport of wicked men, could not last; 
decay was its destiny. Every vote in its Congress cast under 
tbe wbip and spur of party — no loving rivalry to serve tbe 
country, but figbting eacb otber witb malignant fury ; spread- 
ing tbrougb all tbe citizens tbe bate tbat inflamed tbeir own 
false bearts ; a fratricidal war — tbe bloodiest tbat ever cursed 
tbe eartb — ensued, wben all migbt bave been spared bad 
tbere been but "ten rigbteous" statesmen in tbe councils of 
tbe nation. 

Up to tbe very bour tbat Sumter fell, tbe masses of tbe 
l^Tortb believed tbat Soutbern treason was but an outburst of 
passion consequent on a Presidential defeat. Wbile an army 
was organized in tbe Soutb, in all tbe ISTortb not a soldier 
was summoned, nor a drum beat. Wben tbe flag fell, tbe 
people awoke from tbeir long letbargy, started up in angry 
patriotism, and offered all on tbe altar of tbeir imperiled 
country. A million of men were ready to rusb toward every 
point of danger. Tbe beart of tbe patriot beat bigb witb 
new-born bope. 

At tbe first tap of tbe drum tbe citizen-soldier sprung to 
tbe ranks, and cbanged bome and its precious joys for tbe 
marcb, tbe tent, and tbe gory field. Kever bad valor such 
votaries. 

Every regiment bas its tales of glory; eveiy village its 
bero, wbose deeds recorded will fling to tbe sbade tbe darling 
names of Roman history. 



13 

The people, aroused, lavished contributions to cany on the 
war, cheered until the welkin rung farewells to their, gallant 
sons, and then returned to their own concerns, certain that 
before three months were passed there would come to them 
the same message that Csesar sent from Zela. 

Since tliat time two years have passed; each day draped 
with blood, and crowded with scenes of unutterable woe. 
Immense tracts of country, over which the eye enraptured 
gazed on lovely fields and happ}' homes, are now desolations, 
where lives alone the carrion-bird. 

States that had never heard the booming of cannon save 
on joyous celebrations of historic anniversaries, now hear its 
roar crashing death and destruction in its fiery flight. 

Away out on every sea our commerce is devastated — from 
the shores of the Atlantic far on to the Rocky Mountains ; 
from within sight of the Capitol to the extremest southern 
verge, the war rages. A million of men of the same origin, 
born on the same soil, speaking the same language, worship- 
ing at the same shrine — with interests mutual, if not identical, 
bound together by commercial, marital, lineal, and religious 
ties — until yesterday enjoying boundless prosperity in un- 
broken peace, under the mildest and noblest of Governments, 
are now warring with each other. Five hundred thousand 
have been slaughtered. Three thousand million of dollars 
have been expended. The wounded and the maimed, never 
seen before, now ache the sight whichever way we turn. 
"Women mourning for their husbands and sons, fathers and 
brothers, cross our path at every step. The rumble of the 
hearse is heard, and the muflied di'um is beating. Imperial 
France, in violation of the Monroe doctrine, unchecked, 
rears a throne on the ruins of our only sister Republic. 
Foreign complications are drifting toward us. Our gallant 
army, decimated by battle and disease, disheartened by dis- 
sensions and want of sympathy at home, has nigh been 
overwhelmed. 

The rebellion, haughty, defiant and successful, has advanced 
its legions on Pennsylvania soil, and threatened to ravage our 
fields, fire our mines, and wave its bloody banner over our 
own homes and altars. The cause of the Union sinks lower 



14 

and lower, while gliastly auarcliy seems liovering just 
above us ! 

Yet, are the people of what is called the loyal States alive 
to these awful realities ? Have they banished from their minds 
all meaner thoughts in the towering resolve to regain their 
nationality? Are all differences forgotten, and are they 
united to a man in burning hate against the foe bent on the 
destruction of their liberties? Have they hurled from the 
Tarpeian rock the traitor? Have they placed at every post, 
military and civil, the able soldier and the virtuous citizen? 
Have they decreed the direst penalties on the wretch who 
fattens on ill-gotten gains wrung from his country's misfor- 
tunes ? Have they execrated for all coming time the damned 
villains, the active agents of all our woes, the scurvy politi- 
cians ? 

Stand forth, men of the llTorth, and answer. 

Grief may shed its bitter tears in the silent chamber, pov- 
erty may starve in its hiding place, the patriot may mourn, 
but no grief, nor fear, nor feeling seems to dwell in the 
public mind or touch the public heart. This year eclipses 
all the past in gorgeous dissipation. Our !N"orthern cities are 
wild with fashion, hilarity, and show. More diamonds flash 
in the glare of the gay saloon, the gentlemen stop at no ex- 
travagance, and the ladies in full dress powder their hair 
with gold; dinners, balls, and masquerades, in ostentation 
and luxuriance, turn midnight into day. Prancing steeds 
and gaudy equipages carry light-hearted loveliness through 
all the drives of fashion. Stores where jewels, pearls, 
and precious stones, and the rich goods of Europe and 
Asia are exposed, are crowded with purchasers and have 
doubled sales, though gold touched a premium of seventy per 
cent. Speculators in stocks make fortunes in a day. Pala- 
tial stores and marble dwellings are springing from the earth 
on every side. Resorts of amusement were never so numer- 
ous and never so crowded. Prize fights excite for a time 
more interest than the battles of the Republic. Thousands 
of dollars are staked on the favorite of the race. Gambling 
hells are wide open to entice to infamy the young. Crime is 
fearfully on the increase. The law grows impotent, and men 



15 

wlio have, by tlie basest means, defrauded the hiborer, the 
widow, and orphan, hold high their heads and go unwhipt 
of justice. 

Is all this the ruddy glow of health, or the hectic flush? 

Turn from social to public life. The politicians who in 
April, 1861, awe-struck at the majestic anger of the people, 
had crept like cravens to their dens, no sooner saw the storm 
had passed than they came forth bolder, baser, and more 
perfidious than before. They divided again into parties, and 
have contrived, fomented, and produced apathy instead of 
energy, discord in place of harmony, and are preparing events 
for the future at the thought of which the strongest heart 
must shudder. Lofty sentiments actuate but few of the 
leaders on either side. One cries out for the Union, the other 
for the Constitution; but they care for neither. "With one 
party it is a struggle to keep power, with the other to obtain 
it. Becoming millionaires by the Avar, some of them care 
not when it ends. The opposite faction, mad that they, too, 
cannot plunder, have no words of comfort for the bleeding 
soldiers of the Eepublic, but in public meetings are loud in 
the expression of their love for traitors, who, under the cloak 
of free speech, are striving to light the fires of mutual 
slaughter in the North. 

These organizations are, for the most part, controlled by an 
aristocracy of scoundrels, ignorant, selfish, vulgar, and de- 
praved, who give the choicest honors to him who pays 
highest or sinks his manhood deepest. Walk the prome- 
nade of either N^ew York or Philadelphia, and let me point 
at a few you will surely see. There at the corner lounges a 
felon who has served a term, nay, probably been pardoned 
out of the penitentiary. See where rides the murderer who 
escaped conviction. Yonder swaggers the bully of the prize 
ring. Yet one of these is, perhaps, a justice of the peace! 
another a councilman ! and the third holds a sinecure in the 
customs or post-office ! They each manage precincts, wards, 
or districts; are bowed to, buttonheld, and made compan- 
ions of by candidates for Congress, Governors of Common- 
wealths, and Senators of the United States. These are the 
lords of the city, ihe fountains of honor in the State. They issue 



16 

tlieir edicts, and the citizens — the industry, the Lnhor, the 
wealth, the intellect, ay, the iriety! — hlindly obey, and never 
raise a voice against the despotism. 

Every avenue to the Capitol choked up with these charac- 
ters, gifted men, in self-respect, shrink from such associations, 
and smother a noble ambition in the useful obscurity of me- 
chanical, mercantile, and professional pursuits. This accounts 
for the otherwise extraordinary fact, that the stupendous 
events of the last two years have produced no statesman 
whose name will stand conspicuous among the heroes of 
history. 

Thus, too, it is that even the legislatures of the States are 
sweltering with corruption. 

In September last,* the roar of the battle of Antietam could 
be heard in the Counties of Adams, Franklin, and Fulton. 
The Legislature of Pennsylvania, meeting in January, were 
four months in session, bartering for bribes the franchises of 
the State, favoring every villainous scheme to cheat, wrong, 
and oppress the people, quietly passing bills to annihilate 
contracts involving immense sums, and, when detected,! 
unanimously requesting the Executive to return the bills 
unsigned ; yet had no time for organizing the militia, nor for 
considering the necessity for fortifications, though the enemy 
has since invaded the State, and in one week destroyed 
property to the amount of millions of dollars. 

So bold and so brazen in iniquity have lawgivers become, 
that more than one member asserted in open session, without 
contradiction^ that rings icere formed among the legislators !% so 
that no bill could be passed unless each member of the ring 
received his price ! 

Search the records of civil and criminal courts of your 
large cities, watch the proceedings of the legislatures of the 
States, read the reports of the investigating committees of 
the two last Congresses, and stand amazed at the diabolic 
villainy of those to whom the people have entrusted their 
dearest rights and sacred liberties ! 

* September, 1862. 

t See Legislative Record for 1863, pages 410, 441, 476, and 409. 

X See Legislative Record for the session of 1863. 



17' 

To make still plainer the revolting characteristics of those 
whom the people have made not their equals, but their masters, 
and to show how utterly lost to even the outward forms of 
decency, to say nothing of dignity, these representatives are, I 
cite the following facts: The Councils of Philadelphia meet 
under the same roof where the Declaration of Independence 
was signed and the Constitution of the United States adopted. 
On the second of January of the present year, while many a 
patriot was eagerly listening to the news of the battle of 
Murfreesboro', in which hundreds of the very flower of the 
city had fought, and some had fallen, the street in front and 
the avenues of Independence Hall were filled with a crowd 
of hangers-on of both parties, solely intent, by the basest 
fi'auds, to obtain the organization of Councils, and thus con- 
trol for a year the patronage of the city. In the Common 
Council each party selected a- chairman ; each had a clerk. 
The two chairmen sat together, each recognizing only the 
members of his party. A motion put by one chairman would 
be voted on only by those who agreed with him. The pub- 
lished report continues:* — 

"It was now one o'clock, and the prospect of an organiza- 
tion was as slim as when the members first collected together. 

" The chamber was still crowded, the two presidents occu- 
pied their seats, and the members talked and chatted together, 
walked the fioor, and smoked cigars. Some had their hats 
on ; some read newspapers, and almost all reclined in their 
seats, with their feet upon their desks. 

" Thus the valuable time of the City Fathers was expended 
until three o'clock." 

This farce was continued during every meeting for five 
weeks. The published proceedingsf of meetings held from 
time to time ever since show that, amid hisses, yells, laughter, 
and applause, were heard such remarks: "There is no man 
laughing at me that I cannot whip.;" "I can't be bought or 
sold;" "kicked out of window," "liar," "rascal," and other 
terms not to be used in this presence. 

* See Philadelphia Press, January 3, 18G3. 
f See Philadelphia papers. 
2 



18 

On tlie second of the present montli, when the soil of 
Pennsylvania was soaking with the blood of thousands of 
patriot soldiers, who fell that day at Gettysburg, the follow- 
ing took place in the Common Council of Philadelphia, on 
a motion to thank a judge for a decision: — 

"The 'gentleman from the Twenty-fourth ward'* moved 
to amend by inserting the name of 'Chief Justice Lowrie,' 
and would like to have his name inserted before those of 
the counsel. 

"The member from Third ward said this thing smatters of 
flattery to the judge, who simply did his sworn duty, and he 
has merely decided what is the law of the land, for which 
he is not particularly entitled to thanks. 

"The member from Third ward was severe upon the 'gen- 
tleman from the Twenty-fourth ward.' 

"The debate became animated. 

"The member from Seventh ward said that he thought, 
among other things, that the 'gentleman from the Twenty- 
fourth ward' had reason to thank Justice Lowrie for his seat 
in this Chamber; he cannot thank the people. 

"'Gentleman from the Twenty-fourth ward' arose, and 
said he would pull the nose of the member from the Seventh. 

"The President's gavel came down rapidly, but above 
the din of which the voice of the 'gentleman from the 
Twenty-fourth ward' was heard crying 'Loafer!' 'here or 
elsewhere!' etc. etc. 

"The member from Seventeenth ward arose, and was 
called to order because of personal remark. 

"A call was made for the previous question. 

"The member from Seventeenth ward complained of gag- 
law. 

" The call for the previous question was not sustained. 

"Great confusion prevailed. 

"A motion was now nrade that the subject be postponed, 
which resulted as follows: ayes 10, nays 23. 

" On the amendment of returning thanks to Chief Justice 
Lowrie, the ayes were 18, nays 15." 

* See The Press, July 3, 1863. 



19 

Let us look to the Legislature: — 

On the thirteenth clny of January last,* the hall of the 
House of Representatives of Pennsylvania was jammed full 
with ruifians ready to hang a member, whom it wasy sup- 
posed, and not without reason, had bargained away his vote 
on the election of a Senator of the United States. 

In the proceedings of the House, on the fourteenth day of 
April, as published in the papers of the tifteentli, will be 
found the following: — 

"A member wanted to know if it would be in order to 
sing a song? 

"Speaker. If the gentleman will start a tune, and there 
be no objection, it will be in order!" 

On the same day, in the House of Representatives, occurred 
this scene, not pulilished in the proceedings, but the truth of 
which can be proved by hundreds of witnesses: — 

"A Member. I rise to a cpiestion of privilege. 

"The Speaker. The gentleman will please state his ques- 
tion of privilege. 

"Member. We will now introduce the elephant." 

Immediately, from one of the side rooms, came out a figure 
representing an elephant, idth tusk and trunk, chained and led 
by a legislator through the hall, amid shouts of laughter, and not a 
member rose to resent the insidt! 

Surely, at such a time as this, eveiy word uttered in the 
Senate of the United States should breathe exalted patriot- 
ism, and every action evince the respect due to the august 
body. If any flagrant \dolation occur, the Senate, in vindi- 
cation of its own dignity, should mark its condemnation by 
the severest measures. 

Yet, early in the last session, a member from Delaware 
designated, in debate, a brother Senator as "the fellow from 
Minnesota," "adventurer in the wilds of Minnesota. "f 

The same Senator from Delawa^'e, on the twenty-seventh 
of January said: "I have seen and conversed with him, and 
I say here in my place, in the Senate of the United States, 

* See Philadelphia newspapers of 14th January, 1863. 
t See Congressional Globe for 1862-63, Part 1st, p. 273. 



20 

that I never did see or converse witli so weak and imbecile a 
man as Abraham Lincohi, President of the United States."* 

After having been called to order for a violation of the 
rules of the Senate, he continued: "I assume the personal 
responsibility — the political responsibility and every other 
character of responsibility that attaches to my action — to 
arraign Mr. Lincoln and his administration, or anybody 
else and his administration, and I do not intend to he de- 
terred from the expression of my opinion by any black- 
guardism that can be uttered on this floor." 

The Vice-President here called the Senator to order. 

The Senator, after some time, took his seat, but again 
arose and said: "If I wanted to paint a tyrant, if I wanted 
to paint a despot, a man perfectly regardless of every consti- 
tutional right of the people whose sworn servant, not ruler, 
he is, I would paint the hideous form of Abraham Lincoln. 
If that be treason" — 

The Vice-President again called the Senator to order. 

Still in violation of the rules, the Vice-President said: 
"The Senator is out of order, and the Sergeant-at-Arms will 
take him in charge unless he observes order." 

The Senator. "Let him take me."t 

Vice-President. "The Sergeant-at-Arms will take the 
Senator in charge." 

In accordance with the order of the Vice-President, the 
Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms approached the Senator, who was 
seated at his desk. After a brief conversation, they went 
without the bar and left the Senate Chamber. 

In about half an hour, the Senator reappeared in the 
Senate and arose, and again was called to order, and, when 
requested to take his seat by the presiding ofiicer, replied: — 

"Just as I please — not otherwise — I, am not a slave to 
power."! 

The Presiding Oificer. "The Sergeant-at-Arms will take 
the Senator in charge." 

The Senator. "Let him do so at his peril." 

* See Congressional Globe for 1862-63, Part 1st, p. 549. 
f Ibid. p. 550. X Ibid. p. 552. 



21 

In obedience to tlie ordov of the presiding oificer, the Ser- 
geant-at-Arms approached the Senator, who was sitting at a 
desk. He refused to retire, and did then and there make 
threats to use a weapon on the Sergeant-at-Arms, and drew 
a weapon and threatened to shoot the Sergeant-at-Arms ; but 
at a subsequent period left the Chamber. 

Still again he returned to the Chamber and arose. 

The Presiding Officer. "The Senator will take his seat." 

The Senator. "ISTo, sir, I will not take m^^ seat unless" — 

Another question of order was raised. 

The Presiding Officer. "If any further disturbance arises 
from the Senator from Delaware, the Cliair will order him 
to be removed from the Chamber,"* 

The next day, a Senator offered a preamble, giving tlie 
name of the Senator, that he "did, on the twenty-seventh 
instant, bring into the Senate of the United States a con- 
cealed weapon, and did then and there in the Senate behave 
in a turbulent and disorderly manner, and when called to 
order by the Vice-President, did refuse to preserve order, 
but did continue such turbulent and disorderly behavior until 
he was ordered into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, 
and did then and there make threats to use said weapon 
upon said Sergeant-at-Arms in presence of Senate, and did 
draw said weapon and threaten to shoot the said Sergeant- 
at-Arms and behave in a manner disgraceful in the Senate 
and destructive of all order and decorum," — ending with a 
resolution that the said Senator be and is hereby expelled 
from the Senate of the United States. 

The Senator named, arose and said "he had no fiivors to 
ask."t 

At the request of some Senators it was passed for the day 
to be called up the next. 

On the succeeding day (twenty-ninth) the Senator made a 
full apology to the Senate, and the resolution was never 
lieard of again. 

Amid all these events and scenes which foretell our swift 



* See CoDgressioual Globe for 1862-63, Part let, p. 553. 
f Ibid. p. 558. 



22 

and sure destruction, and wliicli, as if an angel spoke, should 
recall us to our allegiance to the Republic, the people, like a 
sleeping drunkard, will not awake and avert the impending 
doom. 

The politicians, the evil spirits of the nation, with whom 
fair is foul and foul is fair — these close contrivers of all 
harms, these juggling fiends who trade and traffic in afiairs 
of death, who met the people in the days of success and with 
prophetic speeches that did sound so fair solicited them to 
the sacrilegious murder of their country — are now with wild 
glee dancing around the boiling cauldron of partisan hate, 
pouring in every envenomed lie and poisoned argument to 
make the hell-broth boil and bubble, telling the spell-bound 
people they bear a charmed life, can never vanquished be, 
urging them to still further step in blood, 

"To spurn fate, scorn death, and bear 
Hopes 'bove wisdom, grace, and fear;" 

despairing of the charm only when brought to a dismal and 
fatal end, their liberties and rights are struck down and for- 
ever destroyed by the swords they thought could only fall on 
vulnerable crests. 

AYe of the Korth, vntli interests identical, knowing that, 
in this dread crisis, whatever our fate, all must share it alike, 
instead of standing united, firm as a mountain in support of 
our Government, are divided against ourselves; our differ- 
ences exhibiting themselves fiercely and distinctly in social 
clubs, family circles, public charities, and religious denomina- 
tions. Part of our people, with hearts devoted to the precious 
cause, yet stand paralyzed like passengers on a ship struggling 
amid a stormy sea, forgetting that in this hurricane we are 
all of the crew and belong to the ship itself. Tens of thou- 
sands there are who care not whether the nation is saved or 
lost. Thousands on thousands in private conversations openly 
oppose their country, and declare their sympathies are with 
the traitors. Some admit the army needs soldiers, but, even 
to violence and murder, will oppose conscription ! They say 
the war is for the black man, yet will not agree to the black 



23 

man figlitiiig ! carry on tlie war, say tliey, but inflict on the 
rebels as little harm as possil^le! shoot them, but don't exas- 
perate them ! kill them in battle, but don't confiscate their 
property ! it is true they are resolved to destroy the nation, 
but give them their constitutional rights ! 

With others, slur the flag with impunity, but, on peril of 
your life, utter no free speech against a favorite general! 
These leave the house of God when prayers are said for 
the Government; curse the President as a tyrant who 
should die, and in our very presence praise the arch-traitor 
Davis ! 

With them to defend slavery is patriotism! to advocate 
freedom is treason ! they say a secessionist must be concili- 
ated, an abolitionist hung! South Carolina should be coaxed 
back into the Union, Massachusetts must be "left out in the 
cold!" They are against war, but will organize to assas- 
sinate soldiers sent to arrest deserters ! they prate of peace, 
and call the foe, reeking with the hot blood of our slaugh- 
tered patriots, their brothers; yet are eager to clutch their 
weapons and kill their own kinsmen who dare to be true 
when they are false ! 

Treason, the bloodiest and blackest of crimes, has from 
the beginning been unchecked, and aids the enemy in the 
very capital of the nation! All the roads leading to the 
armies, our cities and towns, swarm with conspirators ready 
to seize on our mishaps to raise the banner of revolt. Yet 
no death-warrant has been signed. Wlien, at last, in loyal 
Kentucky, a traitor was arrested, tried, found guilty, and 
sentenced to die, the President of the United States pardoned 
the culprit. 

Every lover of the Union, whatever may be his partisan 
proclivities, remembering that Douglas is dead and the other 
two candidates are arrant traitors, m.ust rejoice that Mr. 
Lincoln was elected to the Presidency. 'No fair man can 
question his personal integrity and patriotic motives, and it 
is pi-oper to bear in mind that he is contending with trials 
and difliculties, the like of which never before fell to the lot 
of a Chief Magistrate or ruler. Yet, had the President been 
entirely incompetent to discharge his high responsibilities, 



24 

tlie people could have no right to complain. The}^ did not 
choose to meddle in the selection of a President. 

For the last quarter of a century the people have exercised 
no authority in the nominations of the candidates for the 
Presidency. The first officer of the Repuhlic — the executive 
of the nation — ^lias been chosen by a national convention, a 
body not recognized by the Constitution, and far removed 
from the people — "a scheme," said a great statesman,* "per- 
fectly calculated to annihilate the control of the people over 
the presidential election, and vest it in those who make poli- 
tics a trade, and who live or expect to live on the Govern- 
ment." 

A system so base that an experienced and distinguished 
statesman of the Democratic party declared it to be an "evil 

THAT MUST BE CORRECTED, OR THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE ABAN- 
DONED. "f 

Was the selection of Mr. Lincoln advocated for the reason 
that he was a tried statesman, able to steer the nation through 
the coming storm ? l!^o such argument was urged. The two 
principal appeals made were, that he was the nominee of his 
party, and had been a "rail-splitter!" 

The partisan organizations are now bending every energy 
to grasp the Presidency in 1864. 

This is the mainspring of all their actions ; it is to achieve 
this the leaders are goading the people to madness against 
each other. A rebellion is ripening in the IS'orth. State 
Authorities may at any moment clash with the I^ational Sov- 
ereignty. Probably each party, to deceive the people, will 
dazzle their eyes with the glare of military glory, and one 
failing to elect its favorite may seize on the excitement, and 
attempt to overturn the Government. 

Let any thoughtful American who loves his race survey 
the present, and tell his reasonable fears for the future. 
Either one of four fatal consequences seems likely to be 
near at hand. 



* See Mr. Calhoun's letters, refusing to submit Lis name to the Democratic 
National Convention. 

f See Mr. Benton's Thirty Years in the United States Senate, vol. ii. p. 599. 



25 

If the armies of tlie foe once gain a firm foothold in the 
ISTorth, they will lay waste our fertile fields, sack our cities, 
seize the capital, and dictate terms of jDcace that will make 
us freemen slaves. 

If the Southern Confederacy be acknowledged, then we 
surrender to an implacable foe three-fourths of the national 
domain, the greater part of our ocean boundaries, the mouths 
of most of our large rivers, all the Gulf shore, forts neces- 
sary to the protection of our commerce, public property, 
victorious battle-fields, graves of the immortal dead, the 
capital, the archives of the nation, the statues of our an- 
cestors, the untold treasures, the prestige and power of the 
Republic, our rank among the nations, and purchase a 
short-lived peace, to be followed by a protracted war, only 
ending in a military despotism, or a part or all the ISTorth 
seeking the shelter of a throne. 

If the war be prolonged on Southern soil, partisan malig- 
nity, growing in fury as approaches the Presidential election, 
may burst into internecine war, and all the horrors of the 
French revolution make red with blood the streets of North- 
ern cities.* 

Even if we conquer the South, as conquer loe must, unless 
chastened by visible misfortunes in the ISTorth, our triumjoh 
breeding unbounded conceit, we' will plunge deeper in the 
vortex of voluptuous prosperity, our country forgotten by the 
people, its honors and dignities the sport and plunder of every 
knave or fool that can court or bribe the mob, the national debt 
repudiated, justice purchased in her temples as laws now are in 
the legislature, the life and property of no man safe, the last 
relics of public virtue destroyed, anarchy will reign amid uni- 
versal ruin. 

Thus night thickens around the Republic, and in all 
the sky there is not a star. 

I am not unconscious of the thousand blessings we yet 
enjoy, nor indifferent to the succession of splendid victories 
this month has given to the national cause. But who can 
forget? — can it ever be forgotten? — that since these victories 

* When this was written, the New York riots had not occurred. 



26 

were announced an organized mob, instigated by partisan 
leaders, was for three days master of tbe commercial metrop- 
olis of tlie Union, and did deeds of fiendTlike cruelty un- 
matclied in the annals of crime? that this same mob was 
harangued, amid great cheering, with honeyed words by the 
Grovernor* of the State and two judicial dignitaries, one of 
whom, in a public speech,t two months before, cried out 
"be not afraid," and counseled resistance to the Govern- 
ment to the death? and that the Board of Aldermen, with- 
out one dissenting vote, appropriated out of the public funds 
$2,500,000,1 to deprive our army of reinforcements and pan- 
der to ruffians, each one of whom should feel the halter? 

I have uttered sentiments that clash mth the opinions and 
prejudices of all classes of my countrymen, but have not 
spoken to wound the sensibilities of any one. I know it is 
easy to state the wrong, and hard to find the remedy, but 
from my soul I believe the only way this nation can be saved, 
except by the hand of God, which we have no right to ex- 
pect, is to know at once the depths of the disease, that radi- 
cal remedies may be applied. 

Think not I counsel that we sit and despairingly contem- 
plate our downfallen fortunes until we float to either of the 
sad alternatives ; that we allow the glories of the Republic 
to wither in our keeping; that we, like cravens, should seek 
to survive our country. God of our fathers forbid. 

As a last resort, let the true men come forth from their 
seclusion, and, in the name of liberty and our country, 
appeal to the majesty of the People. They have deceived 
themselves and been deceived. Incompetent ofiicials, a 
venal press, aspirants for office, and partisan leaders have 
flattered their follies, praised their weaknesses, applauded 
their crimes, and made them believe even defeats in the 
field were strategic triumphs ! 

Come forth, virtuous citizens, from the workshop and the 
factory — from the store, the study, and the forum — from the 
closet, the college, and the altar, and by the historic memo- 

* See New York Herald, July 15, 1863. 

t Ibid. May 19, 1863. 

X See New York World, July 16, 1863. 



27 

ries of the Revolution, by the victories won in foreign wars, 
by the blood of our countrymen — our dear brothers — shed 
in this sublime struggle for the life of the nation, by the 
boundless prosperity that three generations enjoyed, by the 
love we bear our children, by our hereditary hatred of roy- 
alty and despotism, by our sympathies with oppressed hu- 
manity, by our hopes for the triumph of right, justice, and 
liberty all over the world, let us call on the people to rise, as 
their fathers did, and dedicate life, fortune, and honor to the 
restoration of tlie Republic. Let each citizen conquer his 
prejudices. Let us shiver to atoms the vile organizations of 
the day; let us cease to be New Yorkers or Pennsjdvanians, 
Republicans or Democrats, and remember only we are Amer- 
icans ; by enactments destroy the whole breed of those who 
barter and sell their country's offices for gold to undeservers, 
and let competent and honest officials, like employees in 
private life, be retained during good behavior — punish pub- 
lic defaulters with the heaviest penalties — purify the ballot- 
box, and make sacred the privilege of sufirage — let elections 
be rare except for representatives — render the judiciary in- 
dependent of popular clamor and fearless and inexorable in 
its administration, decrees, and sentences — reform your Con- 
stitutions in every particular where experience lias proved 
the necessity — teach in schools and colleges the science of 
government — give genius and integrity once again a chance 
in public life — let him who faithfully serves his country in 
the prime of manhood, enjoy its rewards in his old age — in- 
spire all ^^^Lth a love of the Union and fixed resolve to crush 
with mighty blows, like those of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, 
this accursed rebellion — let every leading traitor die a trai- 
tor's death — be not elated by victory or dejected by defeat — 
keep buoyant and brave — bury all dissensions in the graves 
of our dead heroes — cheer our gallant brothers in the field 
Math the heartiest sympathies, arriving at the just concep- 
tion of the duties of American citizenship, and of what 
should be the full measure of our country's future — pray 
God we may yet see floating over a once more united peo- 
ple, our dear old flag, the terror of tyrants, the hope of the 
oppressed, and emblem of the free. 



28 

At this appalling crisis, when tlie life of the Republic — 
the destinies of an hundred millions immediate and remote 
are staked on the actions of the hours — jou, gentlemen of 
the Senate, "the latest seed of time," appear upon the scene. 
Grifted with education — unspotted in morals, untrammeled 
with the chains of party, and fired with patriotism as are all 
fresh hearts, I call on you to dedicate your ambition, your 
future and your fame to rescue the Republic. Be firm when 
tempted, fearless in danger, ready like the Roman to leap 
into the gulf to save your country. If needs be, sacrifice 
ease, fortune, home, love, and life. 

" Such ties are not 
For those who are called to the high destinies 
Which purify corrupted commonwealths ; 
We must forget all, all feelings save the one ; 
We must resign all passions save our purpose, 
We must behold no object save our country, 
And only look on death as beautiful, 
So that the sacrifice ascend to Heaven 
And draw down freedom on her evermore. 

" They never fail who die 
In a great cause ; the block may soak their gore ; 
Their heads may sodden in the sun, their limbs 
Be strung to city gates and castle walls ; 
But still their spirit walks abroad, though years 
Elapse and others share as dark a doom, 
They but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts 
Which overpower all others, and conduct 
The world at last to freedom." 




^t fml of % Se^ublit tl]e |ault of tbt |e,a|)(e. 




AN 



A D D E E S S 



DELIVEllEI) BEFOUK TUE 



SENATE OF UNION COLLEGE, 



SCHENECTADY, JULY 20, 1863, 



AXD BEFORE THE 



Pcnirn Societies of Jrraitliliii aitir ||I(inj)all (College, 

LANCASTER, PA., JULY 29, 1863. 



Bt 



v/ 



DAXIEL DOUGHERTY, Esq., 



OF Pnir.ADEI-PIII.V. 






PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT k CO. 

Nos. 715 AND 717 Market St. 

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